Operum divi Caecilii Cypriani Volumen Secundum, varios
complectens & Tractatus & sermones, quorum tibi catalogum
sequens exhibebit pagella.
Coloniae : ex officina Soteriana, 1522. First edition. VOL. 2 ONLY of Erasmus' two-volume edition of the Latin Catholic works
of St. Cyprian, written while Erasmus (noted Biblical reformer) was still alive. A very rare early 1500s book in great shape, expertly rebacked and repaired. Bound in original boards with elaborate stamped designs, spine with newer red leather backing, very light wear. Remnants of clasps remain, some worm holes but nothing huge. Some old ink handwriting on title page along
with some minor scattered marginalia else interior clean and bright. Name also written on page edges. Overall in great
condition. The title page with an illustrated border, else the only
illustrations are rubricated initials at each chapter heading.
The Books Subject:
- This page is about Cyprian, bishop of Carthage. For other Cyprians, see Cyprian (disambiguation).
Cyprian (Latin: Thascius Caecilius Cyprianus) (died September 14, 258) was bishop of Carthage and an important Early Christian writer, many of whose Latin works are extant. He was born around the beginning of the 3rd century in North Africa,
perhaps at Carthage, where he received a classical education. After
converting to Christianity, he became a bishop in 249 and eventually
died a martyr at Carthage.
Early life
Cyprian was born sometime in the early third century. He was of a wealthy and distinguished pagan
background; in fact, the site of his eventual martyrdom was his own
villa. Before becoming a Christian, he was an orator, "pleader in the
courts", and a teacher of rhetoric.[1] The date of his conversion is unknown, but after his baptism about 245–248 he gave away a portion of his wealth to the poor of Carthage, as befitted a man of his status.
His original name was Thascius; he took the additional name Caecilius in memory of the presbyter to whom he owed his conversion. In the early days of his conversion he wrote an Epistola ad Donatum de gratia Dei and the Testimoniorum Libri III that adhere closely to the models of Tertullian, who influenced his style and thinking.
His contested election as bishop of Carthage
Not long after his baptism he was ordained
deacon, and soon afterward presbyter; and some time between July 248
and April 249 he was chosen bishop of Carthage, a popular choice among
the poor who remembered his patronage as demonstrating good equestrian
style, while a portion of the presbytery opposed it, for all Cyprian's
wealth and learning and diplomacy and literary talents. Moreover, the
opposition within the church community at Carthage did not dissolve
during his episcopacy.
Soon, however, the entire community was put to an unwonted test.
Christians in North Africa had not suffered persecution for many years;
the church was assured and lax. Early in 250 the "Decian
persecution" began. Measures were first taken demanding that the
bishops and officers of the church sacrifice to the emperor. The
proconsul on circuit, and five commissioners for each town, administered
the edict; but, when the proconsul reached Carthage, Cyprian had fled.
It is quite evident in the writings of the church fathers from
various dioceses that the Christian community was divided on this
occasion, among those who stood firm in civil disobedience, and those
who buckled, submitting in word or in deed to the order of sacrifice and
receiving a ticket or receipt called a "libellus".
Cyprian's secret departure from Carthage was interpreted by his enemies
as cowardice and infidelity, and they hastened to accuse him at Rome.
The Roman clergy wrote to Cyprian in terms of disapproval. Cyprian
rejoined that he fled in accordance with visions and the divine command.
From his place of refuge he ruled his flock with earnestness and zeal,
using a faithful deacon as his intermediary.
Controversy over the lapsed
The persecution was especially severe at Carthage, according to
Church sources. Many Christians fell away, and were thereafter referred
to as "lapsi",
but afterwards asked to be received again into the Church. Their
requests were granted early, with no regard being paid to the demand of
Cyprian and his faithful among the Carthaginian clergy, who insisted
upon earnest repentance. The confessors among the more liberal group
intervened to allow hundreds of the lapsed to return to the Church.
Though he had remained in seclusion himself, Cyprian now censured all
laxity toward the lapsed, refused absolution to them except in case of
mortal sickness, and desired to postpone the question of their
re-admission to the Church to quieter times. A schism broke out in
Carthage. Felicissimus, who had been ordained deacon
by the presbyter Novatus during the absence of Cyprian, opposed all
steps taken by Cyprian's representatives. Cyprian deposed and
excommunicated him and his supporter Augendius. Felicissimus was upheld
by Novatus and four other presbyters, and a determined opposition was
thus organized.
When, after an absence of fourteen months, Cyprian returned to his
diocese, he defended leaving his post in letters to the other North
African bishops and a tract "De lapsis," and called a council of
North African bishops at Carthage to consider the treatment of the
lapsed and the apparent schism of Felicissimus (251). The council in the
main sided with Cyprian and condemned Felicissimus, though no acts of
this council survive. The "libellatici"
were to be restored at once upon sincere repentance; but such as had
taken part in heathen sacrifices could be received back into the Church
only when on the point of death. Afterward this regulation was
essentially mitigated, and even these were restored if they repented
immediately after a sudden fall and eagerly sought absolution; though
clerics who had fallen were to be deposed and could not be restored to
their functions.
In Carthage the followers of Felicissimus elected Fortunatus as
bishop in opposition to Cyprian, while in Rome the followers of the
Roman presbyter Novatian, who also refused absolution to all the lapsed, elected their man as bishop of Rome, in opposition to Cornelius.
The Novationists secured the election of a rival bishop of their own at
Carthage, Maximus by name. Novatus now left Felicissimus and followed
the Novatian party.
But these extremes strengthened the firm but moderating influence
exhibited in Cyprian's writings, and the following of his opponents grew
less and less. He rose still higher in the favor of the people when
they witnessed his self-denying devotion during the time of a great
plague and famine.
He comforted his brethren by writing his "De mortalitate," and in his "De eleomosynis"
exhorted them to active charity towards the poor, while he set the best
pattern by his own life. He defended Christianity and the Christians in
the apologia "Ad Demetrianum," directed against a certain Demetrius and the reproach of the heathens that Christians were the cause of the public calamities.
Persecution under Valerian
At the end of 256 a new persecution of the Christians under Emperor Valerian I broke out, and both Pope Stephen I and his successor, Pope Sixtus II, suffered martyrdom at Rome.
In Africa Cyprian courageously prepared his people for the expected edict of persecution by his "De exhortatione martyrii,"
and himself set an example when he was brought before the Roman
proconsul Aspasius Paternus (August 30, 257). He refused to sacrifice to
the pagan deities and firmly professed Christ.
The consul banished him to Curubis, modern Korba,
whence he comforted to the best of his ability his flock and his
banished clergy. In a vision he saw his approaching fate. When a year
had passed he was recalled and kept practically a prisoner in his own
villa, in expectation of severer measures after a new and more stringent
imperial edict arrived, demanding the execution of all Christian
clerics, according to reports of it by Christian writers.
On September 13, 258, he was imprisoned at the behest of the new proconsul, Galerius Maximus. The day following he was examined for the last time and sentenced to die by the sword. His only answer was "Thanks be to God!"
The execution was carried out at once in an open place near the city. A
vast multitude followed Cyprian on his last journey. He removed his
garments without assistance, knelt down, and prayed. After he
blindfolded himself, he was beheaded by the sword.
The body was interred by Christian hands near the place of execution,
and over it, as well as on the actual scene of his death, churches were
afterward erected, which, however, were destroyed by the Vandals. Charlemagne
is said to have had the bones transferred to France, and Lyons, Arles,
Venice, Compiegne, and Roenay in Flanders claim the possession of the
martyr's relics.
Writings
Cyprian's works were edited in volumes 3 and 4 of the Patrologia Latina.
Besides a number of epistles, which are partly collected with the
answers of those to whom they were written, Cyprian wrote a number of
treatises, some of which have also the character of pastoral letters.
His most important work is his "De unitate ecclesiae." In it, he states: "He
can no longer have God for his Father who has not the Church for his
mother; . . . he who gathereth elsewhere than in the Church scatters the
Church of Christ" (vi.); "nor is there any other home to believers but the one Church" (ix.).
The following works are of doubtful authenticity: De spectaculis ("On Public Games"); De bono pudicitiae ("The Virtue of Modesty"); De idolorum vanitate ("On the Vanity of Images," written by Novatian); De laude martyrii ("In Praise of Martyrs"); Adversus aleatores; De duobus montibus Sina et Sion (On the Two Mountains Sinai and Zion); Adversus Judaeos; and the Cena Cypriani ("Cyprian's Banquet", which enjoyed wide circulation in the Middle Ages). The treatise entitled De duplici martyrio ad Fortunatum was not only published for the only time by Erasmus, but was probably also composed by him and fathered upon Cyprian.
-------------------------------------------------------
The Author:
Erasmus

In considering the experiences of Linacre and Colet, the great scholar
Erasmus
was so moved to correct the corrupt Latin Vulgate, that in 1516, with the
help of printer John Froben, he published a Greek-Latin Parallel New Testament.
The Latin part was not the corrupt Vulgate, but his own fresh rendering
of the text from the more accurate and reliable Greek, which he had managed
to collate from a half-dozen partial old Greek New Testament manuscripts
he had acquired. This milestone was the first non-Latin Vulgate text of
the scripture to be produced in a millennium… and the first ever to
come off a printing press. The 1516 Greek-Latin New Testament of Erasmus
further focused attention on just how corrupt and inaccurate the Latin Vulgate
had become, and how important it was to go back and use the original Greek
(New Testament) and original Hebrew (Old Testament) languages to maintain
accuracy.
Erasmus, a.k.a. Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam,
(October 27, 1466 - July 12, 1536) was a Dutch humanist and theologian.
He was born Geert Geertsen in Rotterdam, the Netherlands.
Erasmus died in 1536 in Basel, Switzerland. One of the most famous and amusing
quotes from the noted scholar and translator Erasmus was, "When
I get a little money I buy books; and if any is left I buy food and clothes."
The Early Life of Erasmus
Information as to his family and early life comes from a few meager accounts
written or suggested by himself at a somewhat advanced age and from many
but vague references in his writings at all periods of his life. He was
doubtless born out of wedlock, well cared for by his parents till their
early death, and then given the best education open to a young man of his
day in a series of monastic or semi-monastic schools. All this early education
is made by him in the light of later experience to appear like one long
conspiracy to force him into the monastic life. He was admitted to the priesthood
and took the monastic vows at about the age of twenty-five, but there is
no record that he ever exercised the priestly functions, and monasticism
was one of the chief objects of his attack in his lifelong assault upon
the evils of the Church.
Studies and Travels of Erasmus
Almost immediately after his consecration the way was opened to him for
study at the University of Paris, then the chief seat of the later scholastic
learning, but already beginning to feel the influence of the revived classic
culture of Italy. From this time on Erasmus led the life of an independent
scholar, independent of country, of academic ties, of religious allegiance,
of everything that could interfere with the free development of his intellect
and the freedom of his literary expression. The chief centers of his activity
were Paris, Louvain, England, and Basel; yet it could never be said that
he was identified with any one of these. His residences in England were
fruitful in the making of lifelong friendships with the leaders of English
thought in the stirring days of Henry VIII.—John
Colet, Thomas More,
Thomas Linacre, and William Grocyn. He held at Cambridge an honorable position
as Lady Margaret professor of divinity, and there seems to have been no
reason except his unconquerable aversion to a routine life, why he should
not have spent his days as an English professor. He stayed at Queens' College,
Cambridge and may have been an alumnus.
He was offered many positions of honor and profit in the academic world,
but declined them all on one or another pretext, preferring the uncertain,
but as it proved sufficient rewards of independent literary activity. In
Italy he spent three years (1506-09), part of the time in connection with
the publishing house of Aldus Manutius at Venice.
The residence at Louvain exposed Erasmus to the petty criticism of men
nearer to him in blood and political connections, but hostile to all the
principles of literary and religious progress to which he was devoting his
life. From this lack of sympathy, which he always represented as persecution,
he sought refuge in the more congenial atmosphere of Basel, where under
the shelter of Swiss hospitality he could express himself with freedom and
where he was always surrounded by devoted friends. Here he was associated
for many years with the great publisher Froben, and hither came the multitude
of his admirers from all quarters of Europe.
Erasmus’s Literary Activity
Erasmus's literary productivity began comparatively late in his life. It
was not until he had made himself master of a telling Latin style that he
undertook to express himself on all current subjects of literature and religion.
His revolt against the forms of Church life did not proceed from any questionings
as to the truth of the traditional doctrine, nor from any hostility to the
organization of the Church itself. Rather, he felt called upon to use his
learning in a purification of the doctrine and in a liberalizing of the
institutions of Christianity (at a point in time where “liberalization”
actually meant the opposite of what it means today!) He began as a scholar,
trying to free the methods of scholarship from the rigidity and formalism
of medieval traditions; but he was not satisfied with this. He conceived
of himself as, above all else, a preacher of righteousness. It was his lifelong
conviction that what was needed to regenerate Europe was sound learning
applied frankly and fearlessly to the administration of public affairs in
Church and State. It is this conviction that gives unity and consistency
to a life which at first eight seems to have been full of fatal contradictions.
Erasmus was a marked individual, holding himself aloof from all entangling
obligations; yet he was in a singularly true sense the center of the literary
movement of his time. In his correspondence he put himself in touch with
more than five hundred men of the highest importance in the world of politics
and of thought, and his advice on all kinds of subjects was eagerly sought,
if none too readily followed.
Writings of Erasmus
His more serious writings begin early with the Enchiridion Militis
Christiani, the "Manual (or Dagger) of the Christian Gentleman"
(1503). In this little volume Erasmus outlines the views of the normal Christian
life which he was to spend the rest of his days in elaborating. The key-note
of it all is sincerity. The chief evil of the day, he says, is formalism,
a respect for traditions, a regard for what other people think essential,
but never a thought of what the true teaching of Christ may be. Another
of Erasmus’s books worthy of mention was, Praise of Folly,
dedicated to his friend Sir Thomas More.
While in England Erasmus began the systematic examination of manuscripts
of the New Testament to prepare for a new edition and Latin translation.
This edition was published by Froben of Basel in 1516 and was the basis
of most of the scientific study of the Bible during the Reformation period.
It was the first attempt on the part of a competent and liberal-minded scholar
to ascertain what the writers of the New Testament had actually said. The
Greek text produced by Erasmus is known as textus receptus and was the basis
for the King James Version of the New Testament. Erasmus dedicated his work
ironically, to Pope Leo X., and he justly regarded this work as his chief
service to the cause of a sound Christianity. Immediately after he began
the publication of his Paraphrases of the New Testament, a popular presentation
of the contents of the several books. These, like all the writings of Erasmus,
were in Latin, but they were at once translated into the common languages
of the European peoples, a process which received the hearty approval of
Erasmus himself.
Erasmus on the Reformation
The most significant contribution of Erasmus to the Protestant Reformation
was undoubtedly his publication of his 1516 Greek-Latin New Testament. It
was this book that was used as the primary source-text for Martin
Luther to translate the New Testament into German for the first time in 1522. It
was this book that was used as the primary source-text for William
Tyndale to translate the New Testament into English for the first time in 1526.
The outbreak of the Lutheran movement in the year following the publication
of Erasmus’s Greek-Latin New Testament brought the severest test of
Erasmus's personal and scholarly character. It made the issue between European
society and the Roman Church system so clear that no man could quite escape
the summons to range himself on one side or the other of the great debate.
Erasmus, at the height of his literary fame, was inevitably called upon
to take sides, but partisanship in any issue which he was not at liberty
himself to define was foreign equally to his nature and his habits. In all
his criticism of clerical follies and abuses he had always carefully hedged
himself about with protests that he was not attacking church institutions
themselves and had no enmity toward the persons of churchmen. The world
had laughed at his satire, but only a few obstinate reactionaries had seriously
interfered with his activities. He had a right to believe that his work
so far had commended itself to the best minds and also to the dominant powers
in the religious world.
There can be no doubt that Erasmus was in sympathy with the main points
in the Lutheran criticism of the Church. For Luther personally he had and
expressed the greatest respect, and Luther always spoke with admiration
of his superior learning. Luther would have gone to great lengths in securing
his cooperation in a work which seemed only the natural outcome of his own.
When Erasmus hesitated or refused this seemed to the upright and downright
Luther a mean avoidance of responsibility explicable only as cowardice or
unsteadiness of purpose, and this has generally been the Protestant judgment
of later days. On the other hand the Roman Catholic party was equally desirous
of holding on to the services of a man who had so often declared his loyalty
to the principles it was trying to maintain, and his half-heartedness in
declaring himself now brought upon him the suspicion of disloyalty from
this side.When Erasmus was charged—and very justly—with having
"laid the egg that Luther hatched" he half admitted the
truth of the charge, but said he “had expected quite another kind
of a bird!”
Relationship with Luther
In their early correspondence Luther expressed in unmeasured terms his
admiration for all Erasmus had done in the cause of a sound and reasonable
Christianity, and exhorted with him now to put the seal upon his work by
definitely casting in his lot with the Lutheran party. Erasmus replied with
many expressions of regard, but declined to commit himself to any party
attitude. His argument was that to do so would endanger his position as
a leader in the movement for pure scholarship which be regarded as his real
work in life. Only through that position as an independent scholar could
he hope to influence the reform of religion. The constructive value of Luther's
work was mainly in furnishing a new doctrinal basis for the previously scattered
attempts at reform.
In reviving the half forgotten principle of the Augustinian theology Luther
had furnished the needed impulse to that personal interest in religion which
is the essence of Protestantism. This was precisely what Erasmus could not
approve. He dreaded any change in the doctrine of the Church and believed
that there was room enough within existing formulas for the kind of reform
he valued most. Twice in the course of the great discussion he allowed himself
to enter the field of doctrinal controversy, a field foreign alike to his
nature and his previous practise. One of the topics formally treated by
him was the freedom of the will, the crucial point in the whole Augustinian
system. In his De libero arbitrio diatribe sive collatio (1524), he analyzes
with great cleverness and in perfect good temper the Lutheran exaggeration,
as it seemed to him, of the obvious limitations upon human freedom. As his
habit was, he lays down both sides of the argument and shows that each had
its element of truth. His position was that Man was bound to sin, but that
after all he had a right to the forgiving mercy of God, if only he would
seek this through the means offered him by the Church itself. It was an
easy-going Semi-Pelagianism, humane in its practise, but opening the way
to those very laxities and perversions which Erasmus and the Reformers alike
were combating. The "Diatribe," clever as it was, could not lead
men to any definite action, and this was precisely its offense to the Lutherans.
The Final Years of Erasmus
Thus, as the visible outcome of his reformatory activities Erasmus found
himself at the close of his life at odds with both the great parties. His
last years were embittered by controversies with men toward whom he was
drawn by many ties of taste and sympathy. Notable among these was his passage
at arms with Ulrich von Hutten, a brilliant, but erratic genius, who had
thrown himself with all his heart into the Lutheran cause and had declared
that Erasmus, if he had a spark of honesty about him, would do the same.
In his reply, Spongia adversus aspergines Hutteni (1523), he displays, better
than almost anywhere else, his skill in twisting words and phrases to suit
the purpose of the moment. He accuses Hutten of having misinterpreted his
utterances about reform and reiterates his determination never to take sides
in the division of parties.
When the city of Basel was definitely and officially "reformed"
in 1529, Erasmus gave up his residence there and settled in the imperial
town of Freiburg-im-Breisgau. It would seem as if he found it easier to
maintain his neutrality under Roman Catholic than under Protestant conditions.
His literary activity continued with out much abatement, chiefly on the
lines of religious and didactic composition. The most important work of
this last period is the Ecclesiastes or "Gospel Preacher" (Basel,
1535), in which he brings out the function of preaching as the most important
office of the Christian priest, an emphasis which shows how essentially
Protestant his inner thought of Christianity was. The same impression comes
from his little tract of 1533 on "Preparation for Death," in which
the emphasis throughout is on the importance of a good life as the essential
condition of a happy death.
For unknown reasons Erasmus found himself drawn once more to the happiest
of his homes, at Basel, where he returned in 1535 after an absence of six
years. Here, in the midst of the group of Protestant scholars who had long
been his truest friends, and, so far as is known, without relations of any
sort with the Roman Catholic Church, he died.
The extraordinary popularity of his books, however, has been shown in the
immense number of editions and translations that have appeared from the
sixteenth century until now, and in the undiminished interest excited by
his elusive but fascinating personality.
